Hungarian voters on Sunday ousted long-serving Prime Minister Viktor Orbán after 16 years in power, rejecting the authoritarian policies and global far-right movement that he embodied in favor of a pro-European challenger in a bombshell election result with global repercussions for nationalist populism worldwide.
It was a stunning blow for Orbán—a close ally of both U.S. President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin—who quickly conceded defeat after what he characterized as a “painful” election result. U.S. Vice President JD Vance had visited Hungary just days earlier in an effort meant to push Orbán over the finish line, making the defeat even more embarrassing for the Trump administration.
Election victor Peter Magyar, a former Orbán loyalist who campaigned against corruption and on everyday issues like health care and public transport, has pledged to rebuild Hungary’s relationships with the European Union and NATO—ties that frayed badly under Orbán’s leadership. European leaders quickly congratulated Magyar on his historic victory.
His triumph was expected to transform political dynamics within the EU, where Orbán had upended the bloc by frequently vetoing key decisions, prompting concerns he sought to break it apart from the inside. The removal of Orbán’s obstruction could unlock billions in aid to Ukraine and restore more cohesive European policymaking.
The result will also reverberate among far-right movements around the world, which have viewed Orbán as a beacon for how nationalist populism can be used to wage culture wars and leverage state power to undermine opponents. His defeat demonstrates that even entrenched authoritarian-leaning leaders can be removed through democratic processes when opposition coalesces effectively.
It remains unclear whether Magyar’s Tisza party will secure the two-thirds majority in parliament that would grant it the numbers needed for major constitutional changes. With 93 percent of votes counted, it had captured more than 53 percent support to 37 percent for Orbán’s governing Fidesz party and looked set to win 94 of Hungary’s 106 voting districts.
“I congratulated the victorious party,” Orbán told followers gathered at his campaign headquarters. “We are going to serve the Hungarian nation and our homeland from opposition”—a remarkable statement from a leader who had dominated Hungarian politics for nearly two decades and transformed the country’s institutions to cement his control.
In a speech to tens of thousands of jubilant supporters at a victory party along the Danube River, Magyar declared his voters had rewritten Hungarian history. “Tonight, truth prevailed over lies. Today, we won because Hungarians didn’t ask what their homeland could do for them — they asked what they could do for their homeland. You found the answer. And you followed through,” he proclaimed.
On the streets of Budapest, drivers blared car horns and cranked up anti-government songs while people marching in the streets chanted and screamed in celebration. Many revelers chanted “Ruszkik haza!” or “Russians go home!”—a phrase used widely during Hungary’s 1956 anti-Soviet revolution, and which had gained increasing currency amid Orbán’s drift toward Moscow.
Turnout in the election reached nearly 80 percent, according to the National Election Office—a record number in any vote in Hungary’s post-Communist history and indication of how consequential voters understood the election to be for their country’s future direction.
Orbán, the EU’s longest-serving leader and one of its biggest antagonists, traveled a long road from his early days as a liberal, anti-Soviet firebrand to the Russia-friendly nationalist admired today by the global far-right. The transformation illustrates how power can corrupt ideological commitments as leaders prioritize maintaining authority over principles.
The EU will be waiting to see how Magyar changes Hungary’s approach to Ukraine. Orbán repeatedly frustrated EU efforts to support the neighboring country in its war against Russia’s full-scale invasion, while cultivating close ties to Putin and refusing to end Hungary’s dependence on Russian energy imports despite the invasion.
Recent revelations showed a top member of Orbán’s government frequently shared the contents of EU discussions with Moscow, raising accusations that Hungary was acting on Russia’s behalf within the bloc—allegations that damaged Orbán’s standing even among conservative European leaders who had previously tolerated his behavior.
Members of Trump’s “Make America Great Again” movement are among those who see Orbán’s government and his Fidesz political party as shining examples of conservative, anti-globalist politics in action, while he is reviled by advocates of liberal democracy and the rule of law who view his governance as authoritarian assault on democratic norms.
In Budapest, Marcell Mehringer, 21, disclosed he was voting “primarily so that Hungary will finally be a so-called European country, and so that young people, and really everyone, will do their fundamental civic duty to unite this nation a bit and to break down these boundaries borne of hatred.” His comments reflected generational divide between older voters who remembered Communist oppression and younger ones who took democratic freedoms for granted.
During his 16 years as prime minister, Orbán launched harsh crackdowns on minority rights and media freedoms, subverted many of Hungary’s institutions, and been accused of siphoning large sums of money into the coffers of his allied business elite—an allegation he denies but which investigative journalists have documented extensively.
He also heavily strained Hungary’s relationship with the EU. Although Hungary is one of the smaller EU countries with a population of 9.5 million, Orbán repeatedly used his veto to block decisions that require unanimity—giving disproportionate power to Budapest relative to its size and population.
Most recently, he blocked a 90-billion euro ($104 billion) EU loan to Ukraine, prompting his partners to accuse him of hijacking the critical aid package for leverage in unrelated disputes. The obstruction infuriated European leaders who viewed Hungarian policy as prioritizing Russian interests over European solidarity.
Magyar, 45, rapidly rose to become Orbán’s most serious challenger despite being a former insider within Orbán’s Fidesz party. Magyar broke with Fidesz in 2024 and quickly formed Tisza. Since then, he has toured Hungary relentlessly, holding rallies in settlements big and small in a campaign blitz that recently had him visiting up to six towns daily.
In an interview with The Associated Press earlier this month, Magyar characterized the election as a “referendum” on whether Hungary continues on its drift toward Russia under Orbán or can retake its place among the democratic societies of Europe. Tisza is a member of the European People’s Party—the mainstream, center-right political family with leaders governing 12 of the EU’s 27 nations.
Magyar faced a tough fight given Orbán’s control of Hungary’s public media, which he transformed into a mouthpiece for his party, and vast swaths of the private media market that gave him enormous advantage in spreading his message. The unilateral transformation of Hungary’s electoral system and gerrymandering of its 106 voting districts by Fidesz also required Tisza to gain an estimated 5 percent more votes than Orbán’s party to achieve a simple majority.
Additionally, hundreds of thousands of ethnic Hungarians in neighboring countries had the right to vote in Hungarian elections and traditionally voted overwhelmingly for Orbán’s party—creating built-in advantage for the incumbent.
Russian secret services plotted to interfere and tip the election in Orbán’s favor, according to numerous media accounts including by The Washington Post. The prime minister, however, accused neighboring Ukraine as well as Hungary’s allies in the EU of seeking to interfere in the vote to install a “pro-Ukraine” government—projection that deflected from documented Russian interference.
According to The Sun, Viktor Orbán conceded defeat in Hungary’s election—putting an end to the Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin ally’s 16-year grip on power. The Hungarian prime minister declared the results were “painful for us, but clear” before congratulating Peter Magyar on his apparent landslide.
Magyar, a former member of Orbán’s Fidesz party, disclosed on Facebook the PM had personally “congratulated us on our victory” just minutes before the public announcement. The historic result marks an astonishing victory for Magyar’s center-right Tisza party which was founded just two years ago.
Budapest is now set to see a major reshaping in relations with the EU, Moscow, and Washington following the sensational election win. Voting continued until 6 p.m. Sunday (5 p.m. GMT) with results still being finalized.
Early counts indicated the Tisza party could be on course for an unprecedented supermajority. Just over half of the counted votes projected the Tisza party winning 136 seats in Hungary’s 199-member parliament—far more than Fidesz’s 56 seats.
The electoral commission confirmed a turnout exceeding 66 percent—a record high and a 10 percent increase over four years ago. The result is also a huge blow to Russian President Putin, who has enjoyed Orbán’s consistent anti-Ukraine rhetoric within the EU over the last four years.
The now-former Hungarian leader had been a longtime thorn in the union’s side and a prominent voice for Moscow’s ambitions. His defeat could pave the way for an £80 billion loan to Ukraine which had previously been blocked by Orbán.
With his tough talk on immigration and focus on the “Christian family,” Orbán secured Trump’s backing in recent weeks but had been trailing in polls. Admitting defeat late Sunday, he stated: “The result of the election is clear and painful. We don’t have the weight of governing the country, so we have to rebuild our communities.”
He added: “We never give up, this is one thing people know about us, we never give up. The days ahead of us are for us to heal our wounds”—language suggesting Fidesz would remain active in opposition rather than accepting permanent defeat.
European leaders took to social media to congratulate Magyar—with French President Emmanuel Macron, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz hailing the victory as triumph for European democratic values. British Prime Minister Keir Starmer also weighed in, declaring: “This is an historic moment, not only for Hungary, but for European democracy. I look forward to working with you for the security and prosperity of both our countries.”
The United States had thrown its weight behind Orbán, sending Vice President Vance to campaign on his behalf earlier this week. Vance spoke highly of Hungary and Orbán throughout his speech. “I am here because President Trump and I wish for your success and we are fighting right here with you,” he told the crowd.
He called upon voters to stand up for sovereignty and democracy, Western civilization, truth, freedom, and for “the God of our fathers.” However, polls conducted after the visit showed the Hungarian leader’s performance drop—suggesting Vance’s intervention may have backfired by highlighting Orbán’s dependence on foreign support.
Trump previously endorsed Orbán in a post on Truth Social in February, calling him a “truly strong and powerful Leader, with a proven track record of delivering phenomenal results.” The endorsement now looks embarrassing as Trump’s chosen candidate went down to crushing defeat despite American support.
Magyar and his grassroots party Tisza have vowed “a change of regime,” a reset of relations with the European Union, and an end to close relations with Russia. He attracted far greater numbers to his final rally in the second city Debrecen than Orbán drew in Budapest—a visible demonstration of shifting popular sentiment.
As Magyar prepares to form a government and Orbán contemplates life in opposition after 16 years of near-absolute power, the Hungarian election stands as powerful reminder that even entrenched authoritarian-leaning leaders can be removed when opposition movements mobilize effectively, media control proves insufficient to suppress dissent, and voters conclude that change is necessary regardless of obstacles placed in their path.
AP/Reuters/Skynews
